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I’m pleased to announce that one of the interactive multimedia comics that I worked on during my Knight fellowship is now live over at Cartoon Movement. To read the piece, click here. (Above is a sample tier). The piece tells the story of the Nisoor square shootings that took place in Sept 2007 in Baghdad, Iraq involving US contractor Blackwater (now renamed “Xe Services”). The tragic event saw 17 Iraqis killed and 24 wounded during the controversial shootings, which civilian witnesses argue was unprovoked. The case was dismissed by US courts in 2009 but reopened just a few months ago, in April 2011.
Meanwhile, Xe’s polemical CEO Erik Prince has moved to Abu Dhabi to export his unique brand of mercenary training:
Mr. Prince, who resettled here last year after his security business faced mounting legal problems in the United States, was hired by the crown prince of Abu Dhabi to put together an 800-member battalion of foreign troops for the U.A.E., according to former employees on the project, American officials and corporate documents obtained by The New York Times…
Stay tuned for a separate post on what looks frighteningly like a School of the Americas for the middle east.
Cartoon Movement, the internet’s #1 platform for high quality political cartoons and comics journalism (and sister site of VJ movement) , is publishing my latest piece on the Sept 2007 shootings that occurred in Nisoor Square, Baghdad – there’s a little taster about it on their blog here. The piece will go up next wednesday, June 15th. In the run up to next week I’ll post some previews of the panels and give more of a sense of how the piece works, and the importance (not to mention the untapped potential) of incorporating interactivity into comics journalism pieces.
For now, let me break down the above screenshot, which is the main viewing area for the piece (which, incidentally, loads in its own window due to sizing constraints). The viewing area is comprised of 3 main parts: the timeline (corresponding to the 15 minutes that the incident took place over), which can be advanced by clicking on the play button, or dragged to a specific point); the background, which is comprised of a satellite picture of Nisoor Square together with an additional layer of brightly coloured icons (corresponding to the various people and vehicles involved in the incident) that move along their respective paths as the incident unfolds; and, of course, the panels, which appear as the user hovers over the said icons, providing an eyewitness account of the event from that specific perspective (the majority of which are taken from direct testimonies).
Political pundits across the US and Colombia are on the edge of their seats debating the best course of action for the stalled, soon-to-be-scrapped year-old US/Colombia Military treaty. The treaty, which would allow for US use of 7 Colombian bases, was declared unconstitutional by the Colombian Constitutional Congress last week, and ruled it must be passed approved by the Colombian Congress. Now it looks like Santos, the new Colombian President, might be leaning towards scrapping the arrangement in order to appease his uneasy new neighbour Hugo Chavez. Read today’s op-ed on the saga over at the Washington Post. Find out more about the day of action against US militarism planned for Oct 11.
Turns out Colombia is quite the hotspot for US military action of late (not least Plan Colombia, starting in 1999) with a recent $42m civil settlement against everyone’s favourite military contractor, Blackwater (sorry, Xe services) from the State Dept, who apparently had no idea the company was providing combat training to groups in Colombia:
What is known is that the 2005 training was related to an agreement between Blackwater and the agency in Colombia, where “foreign persons were trained and deployed as third-country nationals in support of a contract with the US Department of State.” Blackwater responded to the State Department by stating that the training was held without the agency’s permission due to a “general misunderstanding” over licensing, although the department notes that there were many violations committed while Blackwater was “servicing US Government programs or providing training to US allies.”
What’s a little misunderstood paramilitary training between friends? More importantly, who knows how many of these “general misunderstandings” have led to the training of paramilitary groups in the region, trained under the guise of US foreign policy, that are impossible to hold accountable for their actions? Narco News has the full story here. And I may be a little late to the party on this one, but news is out that Blackwater is actually up for sale – though you can bet its Director Erik Prince will be keen to rebrand his paramilitaries-on-demand offering in the United Arab Emirates, where apparently he has skipped the country to in the wake of further scandals and mounting legal cases against his company. Serendipitously enough for Prince, the UAE doesn’t have an extradition treaty with the US either.
Belated good news from the Obama camp that they will be challenging the acquittal of the Blackwater mercenaries responsible for the Nisour Square massacre of 16 September 2007. For those of you unfamiliar with Blackwater, essentially they’re a private mercenary army for hire, employed as go-to guys by the US government but apparently not bound by its legal or ethical codes. Means less litigation down the line for human rights violations incurred in the field, right? (In the interests of national security, of course). Well it did until now.
Jeremy Scahill has been covering their nefarious involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan, summed up in his excellent book, Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army. His latest piece for the Nation on the verdict tells the story of the brave man who brought the case against the company after his young son was killed in the massacre. All he wants is an apology, but Blackwater would rather he took the hush money.
Brace yourselves, this is going to be a long one to reflect what an ugly week it’s been in US-related politics. First up, here’s the latest part of the School of the Americas piece – skip back 3 steps to get to the beginning and find out more about SOA/WHINSEC and their illustrious graduates’ violent pasts.
As the estimated number of dead in Haiti rises past the 200,000 mark, several news reports (Democracy Now!, The Guardian and Al Jazeera for starters) are describing the US’s apparent takeover of the main airport at Port-au-Prince. Convoys carrying aid, medical supplies and water are being re-directed to make way for a worrying number of US troops, who are being deployed ‘to ensure security’. Yes Magazine had a great quote from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who, after declaring her expectation that the Haitian government would pass an emergency decree – including things like the right to impose curfews – said, “The decree would give the government an enormous amount of authority, which in practice they would delegate to us”. Of course they would.
Naomi Klein leads the charge for transparency to prevent Haiti from succumbing to the free market agenda that New Orleans did in the aftermath of Katrina. Here’s a checklist of suggested actions sent by Rep. Paul Teller on September 13, 2005 – let’s hope they don’t start happening in Port-au-Prince. One other chilling similarity with Katrina is the already conspicuous presence of Blackwater-esque private mercenary forces, operating under the philanthropically-tinged moniker International Peace Operations Association. For an altogether more upfront description of their services in Haiti, checkout this webpage hosted by a similar private outfit called All Pro Legal Investigations – under the ‘Personal Protection’ header they’ll even deal with ‘worker unrest’ and ‘high-threat terminations’. What more could an International Peacekeeping force want? Jeremy Scahill has the whole scoop over at the Nation.
The bad news then came home, not only with the loss of the Massachusetts Senate seat for the Democrats, but also yesterday’s Supreme Court ruling that curbing corporate donations to electoral campaigns is unconstitutional. Why? Because it infringes on the said corporations’ first amendment rights to free speech. I’m sure that’s exactly what Thomas Jefferson had in mind when he said, “the end of democracy will occur when government falls into the hands of the lending institutions and moneyed incorporations.” See corporate watch for more info.
Lastly, one piece of good news to try and even up the balance. The online human rights and social justice magazine Independent World Report will publish my 4-page piece on Diego Garcia in their next issue.
